The Junior Senator from Kentucky rose to
speak, and he just kept on speaking. When he was finally done he had propelled himself
to the vanguard of the Republican Party, in the process the sacred political institution
of the filibuster received yet another blow. A few weeks ago nobody outside of
Kentucky knew who Rand Paul was. At that time, the young guns of the Republican
Party were Marco Rubio, Chris Christie, and Ted Cruz. Paul was not yet the
Great Young Libertarian Hope of the RNC. Then Rand had his little Mr. Smith
Goes To Washington moment and a star was born. A lot can change in thirteen
hours. But in the midst of Rand’s big moment the filibuster took another hit. Paul’s
and others actions have continued to change the definition of the filibuster.
Once a quaint if not desperate attempt to give voice to the minority, the
filibuster has morphed into an unstoppable monster that feeds off political
gridlock.
When the dust and Paul’s throat had
finally cleared, the Fifth amendment stood protected, Brennan was confirmed,
and America was safe from diabolical murder drones. So what really happened?
Paul’s coming out party happened, along with the birth of his 2016 presidential
bid.
This was never about Brennan. It was
never about drones. It was never about the Fifth Amendment. It was about Paul.
Shortly after his filibuster Rand
spoke at the Conservative Political Action Conference. Then he won the CPAC
straw poll, usually a strong indicator of the next GOP presidential nominee.
He gave a speech that sounded almost
identical to the repetitive pseudo libertarian ideology that made up the
majority of his filibuster. Suddenly Paul has a stump speech.
Obama used his keynote speech at the 2004
Democratic National Convention to test out his stump speech upon the world. Paul
was not the rising star he is today during the 2012 convention. Unlike Obama he
did not have the opportunity to be the keynote speaker at the RNC convention.
So he took matters into his own hands. He
found a way to twist a CIA nomination into a discussion of his solution for the
struggling GOP’s identity crisis. Paul tried his stump speech out on the senate
floor, and he found a way to make the whole world watch. You may only have
caught a sound bite of Paul’s speech, but that’s all you needed to get the gist
of his vision of an RNC 2.0.
It was a savvy political and marketing
move. In the age of social media Paul managed to reach his target base of the
“college libertarian” by one of the oldest, played out tricks in the book.
There is a great deal of irony in
watching the 140-character Twittershpere blow up over a man rambling about
nothing for thirteen hours. But the gambit worked and Paul’s name is trending;
not just on twitter or Facebook but on traditional news outlets, and more
importantly in 2016 presidential polls.
I do not fault Paul for making a thinly
veiled personal move on the senate floor. Every senator in history has done
that. I blame him for misusing the filibuster and thus adding ammunition to the
growing movement to end or severely cripple it.
Presidents Obama and Bush used so
many executive orders that the American public has come to view that strategy
as normal as opposed to extreme. In similar fashion the Republican Party has
used or threatened to use the filibuster during the last few years more then
any other time in U.S. history. It has been a successful strategy, but just as
with executive orders, it is a misuse of a small constitutional loophole,
almost an oversight.
Many would argue for the destruction
of the filibuster all together. Harry Reed has certainly grown sick of it and
was behind the late January filibuster reforms. Reforms that were intended to
streamline the process and make filibusters more rare.
It seems those reforms did not work.
I do not believe that any reforms would work; the inherent power of the
filibuster is that once a legislator starts talking only his own body can
really put a stop to him. There is no real way to change that.
Nor am I in favor of abolishing the
filibuster. The filibuster has a certain mystique in the American political
landscape. The great equalizer, it gives a voice to the minority in moments of
desperation.
The real way to stop filibusters, executive
orders and the like is for congress to become a little bit less polarized.
Political gridlock is the cause for these desperate measures. Republicans and
Democrats need to take a step back and realize that as effective and attention
drawing these filibusters and executive orders are they were never intended to
be common components of the modern political lexicon.
Paul claims his basic beliefs lie in
opposing big government; and he believes that this same message appeals to the
young base he is working so hard to gain. Ironically, I cannot think of a
better example of big government then a half empty senate room held hostage by
a self aggrandizing senator speaking on murder drones and his own future amid a
government sequester.
The filibuster is like a comet; they
are entertaining to watch every now and again but I’d be all right if I did not
see another one for seventy years.
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